Bastar's children deserve the same education as metro kids

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Bastar's children deserve the same education as metro kids

Synopsis

While urban India erupts over exam paper leaks, a far older injustice quietly endures in Bastar — where six decades of Maoist conflict denied generations of tribal children the chance to reach an exam hall at all. A conversation with surrendered CPI-Maoist Politburo member Mallojula Venugopal Rao forces a reckoning: the movement that claimed to fight for the poor left tribal children educationally stranded, decades behind the rest of India.

Key Takeaways

Generations of tribal children in Bastar , Abujhmad , and Gadchiroli were denied access to schooling due to nearly six decades of Maoist-driven conflict.
Surrendered CPI-Maoist Politburo member Mallojula Venugopal Rao (alias Bhupati) acknowledged violence could not remain the answer and declined offers from political parties after his surrender.
Entire regions of central India are estimated to be 60–70 years behind mainstream India in educational development.
Security forces built roads to remote villages despite repeated landmine attacks and ambushes, creating the infrastructure that peace requires.
Rehabilitation programmes are helping surrendered cadres rebuild, but observers argue Bastar's future depends on classrooms, universities, and private investment — not just government jobs.

As India wages a loud debate over examination integrity and merit, a quieter, older injustice persists deep inside the forests of Bastar, Abujhmad, and Gadchiroli — where generations of tribal children never reached an examination hall at all. The question of fairness, so urgent in urban India today, has a far more fundamental dimension in central India's conflict zones.

A Conversation That Refused to Fade

During extensive travel through these regions, a conversation with Mallojula Venugopal Rao — widely known as Sonu alias Bhupati — stood apart. One of the CPI-Maoist's most influential Politburo members for decades, his surrender was regarded by security officials as one of the most significant blows to the Maoist movement, marking what many described as the beginning of the end for an insurgency that once controlled vast stretches of central India.

The man who emerged from that conversation defied expectations. He spoke with measured respect about women's equality and dignity. He acknowledged that violence could not remain a permanent answer. He revealed that political parties from both the ruling side and the Opposition had approached him after his surrender — and that he had declined all overtures, preferring, in his own words, to remain outside an arena where every party ultimately serves an agenda.

The Education Debt Decades in the Making

The Maoist movement spoke endlessly about justice, exploitation, and revolution. Yet, one of its most consequential victims, critics argue, was the tribal child. For nearly six decades, violence kept schools inaccessible, teachers away from remote postings, roads blown up, bridges targeted, contractors absent, and private educational institutions entirely absent from large parts of Bastar.

Every development project was viewed with suspicion — connectivity was perceived as strengthening the state, and so it was resisted. The cost was borne not by ideologues but by children. While peers elsewhere in India competed for seats at IITs, AIIMS, civil services, and global universities, generations of tribal children were still waiting for a functioning school, a qualified teacher, or a safe road to one.

In educational terms, entire regions were left an estimated sixty to seventy years behind mainstream India. Instead of producing leaders, innovators, and entrepreneurs, prolonged conflict produced generations whose first battle was simply surviving.

The Contradiction at the Heart of the 'Revolution'

For decades, sections of India's urban intellectual class celebrated the Maoist movement as a people's revolution. Conferences were held, research papers published, doctoral theses written. Yet very few asked a simpler question: why did the revolution never produce educated tribal children? Why did those who claimed to fight for the poor never ensure that the poorest child could read, write, and aspire beyond the forest?

Many who defended the movement went on to earn prestigious degrees and build academic careers. The tribal child, meanwhile, remained trapped in a conflict that systematically denied them the very education that could have transformed a generation. This contradiction, critics argue, deserves direct scrutiny — narratives that romanticised armed resistance helped legitimise an ideology that left tribal communities more isolated, less educated, and economically weaker.

What Peace Has Made Possible

Today, rehabilitation policies are helping many surrendered cadres rebuild their lives — some have joined the police, others work in government departments or rehabilitation programmes. Roads that now connect remote villages were built despite repeated attacks, landmines, and ambushes. Behind every kilometre of new connectivity lies the sacrifice of soldiers, police personnel, engineers, labourers, and villagers who refused to be paralysed by fear.

But the future of Bastar, observers note, cannot rest solely on government employment. It lies in classrooms, universities, industries, tourism, entrepreneurship, healthcare, and private investment — in creating an ecosystem where tribal children can aspire not only to secure jobs but to create them.

The Only Revolution That Matters Now

As Gen Z across India demands fairness in examinations, the children of Bastar deserve an equal place in that conversation. Fairness does not begin with a question paper — it begins with ensuring every child has an equal chance to reach the classroom. The day a young entrepreneur from the forests of Chhattisgarh builds a global company, or a tribal girl from Abujhmad becomes a scientist, surgeon, or university professor, India will have proof that peace achieved what decades of armed revolution never could.

Point of View

And no amount of rehabilitation optics changes that arithmetic.
NationPress
9 Aug 2026

Frequently Asked Questions

How did the Maoist conflict affect education in Bastar?
Decades of Maoist violence kept schools inaccessible, deterred teachers from remote postings, destroyed roads and bridges, and prevented private institutions from operating across large parts of Bastar, Abujhmad, and Gadchiroli. Entire regions are estimated to be 60–70 years behind mainstream India in educational development as a result.
Who is Mallojula Venugopal Rao, also known as Bhupati?
Mallojula Venugopal Rao, known as Sonu alias Bhupati, was one of the CPI-Maoist's most influential Politburo members for decades. His surrender was considered by security officials as one of the most significant blows to the Maoist movement. After surrendering, he declined to join any political party.
Why are tribal children in Bastar compared to urban students in this debate?
While urban India debates fairness within examination halls, tribal children in Bastar were systematically denied access to functioning schools, qualified teachers, and safe roads — meaning they never reached the examination hall at all. The argument is that true educational equity must start long before the question paper.
What is being done now to improve conditions in Bastar?
Rehabilitation programmes are helping surrendered Maoist cadres find employment in police forces and government departments. Security forces have built roads connecting remote villages despite landmine attacks and ambushes. However, observers argue that lasting progress requires investment in schools, universities, healthcare, and private industry — not just government jobs.
What does 'development' mean for Bastar's tribal communities?
In the context of Bastar, development means year-round functioning schools, teachers willing to remain in remote postings, internet connectivity, laboratories, libraries, skill centres, and industries that can create aspirations beyond bare survival. None of this is sustainable without lasting peace, according to those who have studied the region.
Nation Press
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