Giriraj Singh hits back: Refinery, NTPC, PM SHRI vs old failures
Synopsis
Key Takeaways
When a minister invokes a decades-old shepherd-school programme to draw a line between past neglect and present action, it tells you exactly where the political battle for Bihar's story is being fought. Union Textiles Minister Giriraj Singh, posting on X on Tuesday, 10 November 2026, turned a sharp political attack on those he said once reduced Bihar's education to a 'Charvaha Vidyalaya' experiment — and are now delivering lectures on development.
Posting in Hindi, Singh wrote: 'Charvaha Vidyalaya ki rajneeti karne wale aaj vikas par bhashan de rahe hain!' — 'Those who practised the politics of Charvaha Vidyalaya are today giving lectures on development!' He then pivoted to what he called the visible ground-level reality: a refinery, NTPC facilities, ethanol plants, and PM SHRI schools all taking shape in the state.What Charvaha Vidyalaya signifies in Bihar's political memory
The reference is a loaded one. Charvaha Vidyalaya — literally 'shepherd schools' — was a 1990s Bihar initiative aimed at educating children from pastoral and marginalised shepherd communities. Critics from the BJP have long used it as shorthand for what they describe as low-ambition, symbolism-over-substance governance from that era. By invoking it, Singh is pointing his fire squarely at opposition voices — particularly those whose political roots trace to that period in Bihar's administration.
The contrast he is drawing is deliberate: a makeshift community school of the nineties on one side; centrally funded, infrastructure-grade investments on the other.
The projects Singh is pointing to on the ground
Singh's list is specific. The Barauni Refinery in Begusarai — his own Lok Sabha constituency — is an Indian Oil Corporation facility undergoing capacity expansion and modernisation as part of central petroleum infrastructure upgrades. NTPC Limited, India's largest power utility, has facilities in Bihar that form part of a broader push to expand thermal power capacity in the state. Both projects have featured in successive central infrastructure plans.
The ethanol plants he references sit within India's biofuel blending programme, anchored by the National Policy on Biofuels updated in 2018, which set a target of 20 percent ethanol blending in petrol. For Bihar's sugarcane and grain farmers, these units represent a direct market linkage — surplus crops feeding industrial fuel demand rather than rotting in storage.
Then there are the PM SHRI Schools — a central scheme launched in September 2022 to transform selected government schools into model institutions with upgraded infrastructure and teaching standards. For Singh, they are the symbolic counter to Charvaha Vidyalaya: not stopgap arrangements, but benchmark public schools.
A Bihar political pattern that keeps repeating
This kind of exchange is not incidental — it is structural. Bihar sits at the intersection of central government project delivery and state-level political contestation, and both sides regularly attempt to own the narrative around visible infrastructure. When a refinery expansion or a new school block reaches completion, it becomes campaign material as much as public utility. Singh's post fits a well-worn but genuinely consequential groove: use concrete, nameable projects to deflect and delegitimise opposition criticism.
The minister closed with an accusation that his critics are resorting to 'baseless rhetoric' — anargal bayanbazi — to hide their own failures. The specific trigger for this salvo was not named in the post, but the energy is unmistakable: someone said something about Bihar's development record, and Singh came back hard with steel, power, biofuel, and classrooms.
Bihar's voters, watching refinery gates rise and new school buildings go up, will ultimately decide whose account of progress they believe.