New Delhi, Oct 21 (NationPress) Just a month ago, Bihar’s Opposition alliance, the Mahagathbandhan, seemed to hold a slight advantage over the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the upcoming Assembly elections. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, the alliance's prominent face, appeared susceptible to rising anti-incumbency sentiments. Numerous allegations of corruption circulated regarding Cabinet members, and his frequent political shifts earned him the nickname “Palturam”.

Additionally, social media platforms were flooded with videos and memes showcasing Nitish Kumar's advancing age. Once regarded for his governance and integrity, he was celebrated for lifting Bihar from the so-called “jungle raaj”.

Conversely, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Bihar’s primary opposition party, appeared energized under the dynamic leadership of Tejashwi Yadav. He embarked on an extensive tour across the state alongside Rahul Gandhi, the Congress MP and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, criticizing the flaws in the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

Moreover, the Left Front, another crucial ally, seemed to be consolidating its position, even surpassing its gains from the 2020 Assembly elections. However, the NDA has fortified its standing through adept management of alliances and a pragmatic approach.

The two main constituents of the NDA, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Janata Dal (United), have effectively finalized their seat-sharing agreement ahead of the nomination deadlines.

Each party will contest 101 seats, while ally Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) has been allotted 29 seats, leaving the remainder for other allies.

With a total of 243 seats in the state Legislative Assembly, Chirag's decision to participate as an NDA partner this time could be significant, especially since his previous solo effort in 2020 resulted in the ruling alliance losing nearly 40 seats.

The NDA's coordination and transparency in seat allocation have provided it with a noticeable advantage.

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi scheduled to spearhead the campaign with 12 rallies across the state, supported by key Central leaders like Amit Shah and Rajnath Singh, there is evident excitement within the ruling coalition.

In contrast, the Mahagathbandhan has struggled to present a cohesive front in several constituencies compared to previous elections.

In Bachhwara, for instance, the CPI candidate representing the Mahagathbandhan narrowly lost (by 484 votes) to the BJP, which now faces an RJD contender as well.

Similarly, in Vaishali, the RJD has nominated its candidate against the Congress representative, who lost to the JD(U) by over 7,000 votes in the last Assembly elections.

In Rajapakar, where Congress triumphed over its closest JD(U) rival by nearly 1,800 votes in 2020, the incumbent MLA now confronts a CPI candidate.

A similar trend is observable in other constituencies. The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), a national-level ally, initially declared its intention to contest six seats independently but later withdrew, citing feelings of betrayal and unresolved issues within the alliance.

The JMM, which leads an INDIA Bloc government in Jharkhand, has also hinted at reassessing its alliance.

The internal conflicts within the Mahagathbandhan threaten to fragment anti-NDA votes across key constituencies, potentially favoring the BJP-led alliance, which maintains steadier seat allocation.

Furthermore, the NDA faces challenges from various other anti-BJP groups, such as Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party. In a ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral system, where a candidate can win with just one vote more than the runner-up, a quick assessment indicates an advantage for the NDA.